Tragedy and chaos, both imposed from outward and self-inflicted, underline all too mostly in Polands history. They are exemplified by Saturdays craft crash. President Lech Kaczynskis assumingly forward insistence on alighting on an unsuited misty airfield cost the lives of a little of Polands majority distinguished troops and educational figures. The relate of the strange Katyn massacre, in that the Polish prewar chosen lawyers, doctors, teachers, public servants, all portion as haven officers perished at Russian hands is unbearably poignant.
Yet the Poland that is right afar so convulsed in pique has an additional side to it. Never in the story has Poland been so moneyed or so secure. Last year the economy was the usually one in all of Europe to show GDP growth, of 1.7 per cent. The countrys promissory note complement is solid, the open finance management sound. The currency, the zloty, is inconveniently strong. Clapped-out communist-era infrastructure is giving approach to glorious complicated roads, railways and open buildings. Its state preparation complement puts Britains to shame.
Poland matters. Its 38 million race is bigger than the sum total of the alternative former comrade countries (Hungary, Slovakia etc) that assimilated the European Union in 2004. In Americas eyes, Polands troops counts some-more than that of any alternative nation in continental Europe. Unlike the fondle soldiers in use by most alternative supposed Nato allies, Polands soldiers turn up, quarrel and die in missions overseas. In return, America insists that Nato creates genuine plans to urge Poland if necessary.
The nation has newly gained a new purpose as a tactful heavyweight in Europe. The late President had most virtues, together with an strident clarity of history and tasteful integrity.
But they were all as well mostly overshadowed by his failings: obstinacy, unimportance and a infrequently extraordinary miss of perspective. In the 2005-2007 duration when Law and Justice, the main antithesis celebration led by the Presidents identical tiwn brother Jaroslaw, was in office, ill-chosen tactics, amateurishness and startlingly bad open family risked creation Poland a shouting stock.
Since then, Polands wily, soft-spoken Prime Minister Donald Tusk, and his heavyweight Oxford-educated Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski have brought about a tactful renaissance. Poland has defused tragedy with Germany, revived the Visegrad organisation of Central European former comrade states, built a clever loyalty with Sweden and managed a conspicuous new thing with Russia, epitomized by Vladimir Putins assemblage at a rite in Katyn on Apr 7, only 3 days prior to Mr Kaczynskis own unfortunate visit there. Politics at home looks great too: since most alternative former communist countries teeter underneath diseased minority governments, Mr Tusks coalition administration department is smooth, in effect and popular.
The socially conservative, prickly, ethics-conscious and nationalistic constituency that voted for Mr Kaczynski will not go away. But the politicians that paint it see increasingly outmanoeuvred. Mr Kaczynski was already confronting an all but indomitable plea from Mr Tusks Civic Platform celebration in the presidential elections in October. Now Law and Justice will onslaught to find a clever claimant to run in his place. That will further streamline Polish governing body by stealing the annoying clashes with the presidency caused by inherent difficulty over who runs what in foreign policy.
The spotlight on Poland will bake increasingly brightly in the entrance years. In 2011 Poland will hold the rotating six-month presidency of the EU, preceded by Hungary. The dual countries are already formulation tough to have that a success, and change the centre of sobriety in EU preference creation afar from the cosy West European conglomeration dominated by France and Germany. In 2012 Poland will host the European football championships mutually with Ukraine. Those old stereotypes about Polish backwardness, weakness, wretchedness and failure have never looked some-more outdated.
Edward Lucas is executive and Eastern Europe match of The Economist
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